The Anglo-American 'special relationship' and the Middle East, 1945-1973

It is widely recognised that the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ fluctuated following the Second World War. A “Persistent rivalry” was especially evident in policy towards the Middle East and its oil. Immediately after the war, the American attitude to Palestine seemed to complicate British policy. Events in Iran also reflected the clash between the British imperative to protect its national and imperial interests in the region on the one hand, and the American preoccupation with the Cold War and containment on the other. The subsequent differences over Egypt/ Nasser are a matter of public record as are the problems which arose over the British withdrawal from “East of Suez”. Perhaps the very closeness of the relationship between the UK and the US served to heighten expectations

Priests and politicians: Archbishop Michael Gonzi, Dom Mintoff, and the end of empire in Malta

The political contest in Malta at the end of empire involved not merely the British colonial authorities and emerging nationalists, but also the powerful Catholic Church. Under Archbishop Gonzi’s leadership, the Church took an overtly political stance over the leading issues of the day including integration with the United Kingdom, the declaration of an emergency in 1958, and Malta’s progress towards independence. Invariably, Gonzi and the Church found themselves at loggerheads with the Dom Mintoff and his Malta Labour Party. Despite his uncompromising image, Gonzi in fact demonstrated a flexible turn of mind, not least on the central issue of Maltese independence. Rather than seeking to stand in the way of Malta’s move towards constitutional separation from Britain, the Archbishop set about co-operating with the Nationalist Party of Giorgio Borg Olivier in the interests of securing the position of the Church within an independent Malta. For their part, the British came to accept by the early 1960s the desirability of Maltese self-determination and did not try to use the Church to impede progress towards independence. In the short-term, Gonzi succeeded in protecting the Church during the period of decolonization, but in the longer-term the papacy’s softening of its line on socialism, coupled with the return to power of Mintoff in 1971, saw a sharp decline in the fortunes of the Church and Archbishop Gonzi

Britain’s decision to withdraw from the Persian Gulf: a pattern not a puzzle

The reasons for the British decision to withdraw from the Gulf are highly contentious. While some scholars have focused on short-term considerations, especially the devaluation of sterling towards the end of 1967, in the British determination to quit the Gulf, others have concentrated on longer-term trends in British policy-making for the region. This article sides with the latter. Britain's Gulf role came under increasing scrutiny following the 1956 Suez crisis as part of an ongoing debate about the costs and benefits of Britain's Gulf presence. In this sense, British withdrawal fitted into a wider pattern of British decolonisation. By the 1960s, the Treasury, in particular, strongly questioned the necessity and cost-effectiveness of the maintenance of empire in the Gulf to safeguard British economic interests there. Recent interpretations which seek to disaggregate the British decision to leave Southeast Asia from the decision to depart from the Gulf are also questionable. By mid-1967, it had already been determined that Britain would leave both regions by the mid-1970s, the only difference being that this decision was formally announced with respect to Southeast Asia, but not with regard to the Gulf. The devaluation of sterling in November 1967, therefore, merely hastened and facilitated decisions which had already been taken. Despite the end of formal empire in the Gulf, Britain did seek, not always successfully, to preserve its interests into the 1970s and beyond

Centurions and Chieftains : tank sales and British policy towards Israel in the aftermath of the Six Day War

Britain's attempt to distance itself from Israel as London sought to conciliate the Arab world in the aftermath of the Six-Day War has entered the historiography of Anglo-Israeli relations. A neglected aspect of the development of British policy towards Israel has been the intense debates among British decision-makers regarding the supply of tanks to Israel following the 1967 conflict. British reluctance to export the powerful Chieftain tank to Israel stemmed not only from an unwillingness to fuel an arms race in the Middle East, but also from a determination to protect ongoing and extensive British economic interests in the Arab world, especially oil supplies. In keeping with efforts to dissociate itself from Israel, Britain also sought to downplay, and even conceal from the Arab world, ongoing sales of the less sophisticated Centurion tank to Israel. In many ways, British policy towards Israel culminated in the decision during the 1973 Yom Kippur War to maintain an arms embargo to the region which, while not extending to all Arab countries, hit Israel especially hard as it desperately sought ammunition and spares for its Centurion tanks

Spectral Response of the Pulsationally-Induced Shocks in the Atmosphere of BW Vulpeculae

The star BW Vul excites an extremely strong radial pulsation that grows in its envelope and is responsible for visible shock features in the continuum flux and spectral line profiles emerging in the atmosphere At two phases separated by 0.8 cycles. Material propelled upwards in the atmosphere from the shock returns to the lower photosphere where it creates a second shock just before the start of the next cycle. We have obtained three nights of echelle data for this star over about 5 pulsation cycles (P = 0.201 days) in order to evaluate the effects of on a number of important lines in the spectrum, including the HeI 5875A and 6678A lines. These data were supplemented by archival high-dispersion IUE (UV) data from 1994. A comparison of profiles of the two HeI lines during the peak of the infall activity suggests that differences in the development of the blue wing at this time are due to heating and short-lived formations of an optically thin layer above the atmospheric region compressed by the infall. This discovery and the well-known decreases in equivalent widths of the CII 6578-83A doublet at the two shock phases, suggests that shock flattens the temperature gradient and produces heating in heating the upper atmosphere. Except for absorptions in the blue wings of the UV resonance lines, we find no evidence for sequential shock delays arriving at various regions of line formation of the photosphere (a "Van Hoof effect"). Phase lags cited by some former observers may be false indicators arising from varying degrees of desaturation of multiple lines, such as for the red HeI lines. In addition, an apparent lag in the equivalent width curve of lines arising from less excited atomic levels could instead be caused by post-shock cooling, followed by a rebound shock.Comment: 12 pages in Latex/MNRAS format, 9 eps-format figure

Integration and disintegration : the attempted incorporation of Malta into the United Kingdom in the 1950s

Existing interpretations stress that challenges to British interests elsewhere in the Mediterranean were central to Britain’s initial support for Maltese incorporation into the United Kingdom. Through a close examination of official British records, this article demonstrates, by contrast, that Britain saw integration primarily as a means of solving the complex constitutional and financial problems which had impeded smooth AngloMaltese relations since the restoration of responsible government in 1947. Equally, the waning of British enthusiasm for integration can be traced to concerns about the costs of the scheme, especially in the face of Maltese insistence on ‘economic equivalence’, rather than to any downgrading of Malta’s importance in the wake of the 1956 Suez debacle. The Maltese premier Dom Mintoff’s insistence on equivalence as the price of integration and Britain’s equal determination to resist such claims provide the key to explaining the scheme’s demise. Ultimately, Malta followed a more conventional path to independence within the Commonwealth by September 1964.peer-reviewe

Imperialism after empire? Britain and Qatar in the aftermath of the withdrawal from East of Suez

The existing historiography on relations between Britain and the states of Lower Gulf after British withdrawal from ‘East of Suez’ in 1971 suggests that the former imperial power successfully established an informal role in the 1970s and beyond which amounted to empire in all but name. While Britain certainly sought to retain as much of its influence and as many of its interests in the economically important Lower Gulf as possible, an analysis of Anglo-Qatari relations after 1971 demonstrates that Britain’s former exclusive position was substantially eroded. British economic weakness, fierce competition from Britain’s industrial rivals, and the encroachment of the Arab world into the affairs of Qatar all militated still further against the preservation of British influence and interests, let alone the establishment of an informal imperial relationship with Qatar

Failure and success in state formation : British policy towards the Federation of South Arabia and the United Arab Emirates

Despite the apparent similarities in Britain's relationship with the Sheikhdoms of the Lower Gulf and the traditional states of southern Arabia, British policy-makers pursued contrasting policies towards the two sets of territories in the era of decolonization. As regards South Arabia, Britain followed a policy of amalgamating the states into a ‘Whitehall’ federation. The fact that the Federation of South Arabia remained dependent on British backing, and in consequence became ineffably associated with British imperialism in an era of anti-colonial Arab nationalism, fatally damaged its chances of longevity. Applying the lessons of failure in South Arabia, the British were far more inconspicuous in the discussions which led to the creation of the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Indeed, the fact that the UAE essentially emerged from the initiative of Sheikhs Zaid of Abu Dhabi and Rashid of Dubai, rather than the British, was one of the key factors in its survival. By contrast, the Federation of South Arabia collapsed ignominiously once the ballast provided by the British had been removed

CO-dark gas and molecular filaments in Milky Way type galaxies

We use the moving mesh code AREPO coupled to a time-dependent chemical network to investigate the formation and destruction of molecular gas in simulated spiral galaxies. This allows us to determine the characteristics of the gas that is not traced by CO emission. Our extremely high resolution AREPO simulations allow us to capture the chemical evolution of the disc, without recourse to a parameterised `clumping factor'. We calculate H2 and CO column densities through our simulated disc galaxies, and estimate the CO emission and CO-H2 conversion factor. We find that in conditions akin to those in the local interstellar medium, around 42% of the total molecular mass should be in CO-dark regions, in reasonable agreement with observational estimates. This fraction is almost insensitive to the CO integrated intensity threshold used to discriminate between CO-bright and CO-dark gas, as long as this threshold is less than 10 K km/s. The CO-dark molecular gas primarily resides in extremely long (>100 pc) filaments that are stretched between spiral arms by galactic shear. Only the centres of these filaments are bright in CO, suggesting that filamentary molecular clouds observed in the Milky Way may only be small parts of much larger structures. The CO-dark molecular gas mainly exists in a partially molecular phase which accounts for a significant fraction of the total disc mass budget. The dark gas fraction is higher in simulations with higher ambient UV fields or lower surface densities, implying that external galaxies with these conditions might have a greater proportion of dark gas.Comment: Accepted by MNRA